Alegeri parlamentare in MD 2005
- Thread starter ciofu
- Start date
serj said:
Fii te rog bun si spune-mi si mie pe cine prefera Europa. Vrei sa spui ca exista in RM vreun partid (democrat, anticomunist si proeuropean) care sa fie mai cunoscut in Europa decat PPCD, inclusiv la nivel de lideri, si cu legaturi de prietenie mai stranse cu partidele de aceeasi orientare din tarile europene?
serj said:
Or fi existand la noi asemenea "personalitati", desi ma indoiesc, dar vezi ca, sa fii personalitate si sa fii mult mai onest si mai inteligent decat liderul PPCD nu este suficient pentru a scoate o tara din glod!
Pentru aceasta mai este nevoie ca aceste "personalitati" sa aiba dorinta si capacitatea de a face acest lucru, adica sa fie politicieni (adevarati).
Plus la aceasta ei trebuie sa aiba curaj sa incerce sa infaptuiasca ceea ce vor si .... sa munceasca foarte mult, inclusiv la munci mai putin academice decat datul interviurilor , cum ar fi impartitul fluturasilor pe strazi si lipitul afiselor electorale, si nu doar s-o faca pe politologii rafinati, filozofand despre politica si neavand habar de cum se face politica adevarata.
In RM de aceste calitati dispun liderii unui singur partid - PPCD!!!
scopul scuza mijloacele? nu cred ca este asa.Inteligenta si reformele ne vor apropia de Romania si Europa iar ceea ce face d-nul Rosca cu grupul sau de soc ne indeparteaza de occident, adoptind un mod de actiune asiat.
cind fiecare din noi, adica tinerii, vom depasi ignoranta de care am dat dovada in timpul alegerilor, sa nu doarmim in camine si sa bem bere prin baruri, ci sa mearga la vot si atunci precis no sa fie nevoe nici de rosca nici de proteste, atunci mintile luminate no sa se gindeasca cum sa rastoarene comunistii, din simplu motiv ca ei nu vor fi, ci se vor elabora strategii cum sa integreze Republica Moldova in Europa.
cind fiecare din noi, adica tinerii, vom depasi ignoranta de care am dat dovada in timpul alegerilor, sa nu doarmim in camine si sa bem bere prin baruri, ci sa mearga la vot si atunci precis no sa fie nevoe nici de rosca nici de proteste, atunci mintile luminate no sa se gindeasca cum sa rastoarene comunistii, din simplu motiv ca ei nu vor fi, ci se vor elabora strategii cum sa integreze Republica Moldova in Europa.
UNICA SOLUTIE NOUA REVOLUTIE!!!
SUNT TOTAL DE ACORD CU REDNECK. SUNT SIGUR CA CLASA POLITICA DIN BASARABIA E CONDUSA DE RUSIA SHI AGENTII SAI. UNICA MINUNE PE CARE O MAI POATE FACE ESTE PPCD. ACUM CAMPANIA ELECTORALA DEJA A INCEPUT NEOFICIAL, INSA COMUNISHTII NU MAI AU NEVOIE DE IA DEOARECE SHIAU FACUT-O DE TREI ANI INCOACE. NU VREAU SA FIU PESIMIST DAR COMUNISTII VOR CISTICA ALEGERILE. SHI STITI DE CE? DEOARECE NU SE VREA NIMENI EXTRIMIST SHI TERORIST IN FATA INTREGULUI POPOR SHI A INTREGII LUMI. SAU DEPRINS SA FIE TOLERANTI...
FRATILOR!!! UN REGIM COMUNIST TOTALITAR SE POATE DOBORI DOAR PRIN REVOLUTIE. NU STIU DACA DE CATIFEA SAU NU DAR SUNT SIGUR CA GIORGIENII CIND AU INCEPUT-O NU SHTIAU CITA LUME VA MURI SHI CUM VA MURI. EI STIAU CA LUPTA PENTRU LIBERTATE, PENTRU ADEVARATA LIBERTATE NU PENTRU CEA CARE ASTAZI NE-O DAU NOUA COMUNISHTII. APROPO PENTRU TOTI CEI DE PE FORUM - NU MAI STATI ATITA LA CALCULATOARELE VOASTRE SHI TOT DISCUTATI UNEORI IN ZADAR CI MAI ESITI SHI IN PIATA SA MAI SIMTITI CIT E DE TARE BITA POLITISHTILOR SHI DE INTEPATOR GAZUL LACRIMOGEN.
SUNT TOTAL DE ACORD CU REDNECK. SUNT SIGUR CA CLASA POLITICA DIN BASARABIA E CONDUSA DE RUSIA SHI AGENTII SAI. UNICA MINUNE PE CARE O MAI POATE FACE ESTE PPCD. ACUM CAMPANIA ELECTORALA DEJA A INCEPUT NEOFICIAL, INSA COMUNISHTII NU MAI AU NEVOIE DE IA DEOARECE SHIAU FACUT-O DE TREI ANI INCOACE. NU VREAU SA FIU PESIMIST DAR COMUNISTII VOR CISTICA ALEGERILE. SHI STITI DE CE? DEOARECE NU SE VREA NIMENI EXTRIMIST SHI TERORIST IN FATA INTREGULUI POPOR SHI A INTREGII LUMI. SAU DEPRINS SA FIE TOLERANTI...
FRATILOR!!! UN REGIM COMUNIST TOTALITAR SE POATE DOBORI DOAR PRIN REVOLUTIE. NU STIU DACA DE CATIFEA SAU NU DAR SUNT SIGUR CA GIORGIENII CIND AU INCEPUT-O NU SHTIAU CITA LUME VA MURI SHI CUM VA MURI. EI STIAU CA LUPTA PENTRU LIBERTATE, PENTRU ADEVARATA LIBERTATE NU PENTRU CEA CARE ASTAZI NE-O DAU NOUA COMUNISHTII. APROPO PENTRU TOTI CEI DE PE FORUM - NU MAI STATI ATITA LA CALCULATOARELE VOASTRE SHI TOT DISCUTATI UNEORI IN ZADAR CI MAI ESITI SHI IN PIATA SA MAI SIMTITI CIT E DE TARE BITA POLITISHTILOR SHI DE INTEPATOR GAZUL LACRIMOGEN.
Mintile simple nu inteleg nici macar ceea ce este mult prea evident.
Roscatul propune o revolutie... Pentru tine eu as propune o revolutie culturala. Poate ar trebui sa o iei de la inceput cu abecedarul, iar pe la 1848 de ani sa faci ceea ce au facut pasoptistii. Capisci? Comprende, muchacho?
A propos... incearca o data macar sa-mi scrii ceva fara a face greseli ortografice. Injura-ma! Zi-mi orice! Nu de alta, dar o minte infierbantata ca a ta s-ar putea sa ajunga in balconul vreunui guvern izgonit si tare as vrea sa stiu ca cei cu care impart nenorocirile pamantului asta stiu macar sa scrie romaneste, sa nu fie obligati sa semneze cu caractere chirilice (si stiti voi despre cine vorbesc), sau, sa nefereasca Dumnezeu!!! cu degetul.
Revolutia pare aproape romantica, n'est-ce pas?
Roscatul propune o revolutie... Pentru tine eu as propune o revolutie culturala. Poate ar trebui sa o iei de la inceput cu abecedarul, iar pe la 1848 de ani sa faci ceea ce au facut pasoptistii. Capisci? Comprende, muchacho?
A propos... incearca o data macar sa-mi scrii ceva fara a face greseli ortografice. Injura-ma! Zi-mi orice! Nu de alta, dar o minte infierbantata ca a ta s-ar putea sa ajunga in balconul vreunui guvern izgonit si tare as vrea sa stiu ca cei cu care impart nenorocirile pamantului asta stiu macar sa scrie romaneste, sa nu fie obligati sa semneze cu caractere chirilice (si stiti voi despre cine vorbesc), sau, sa nefereasca Dumnezeu!!! cu degetul.
Revolutia pare aproape romantica, n'est-ce pas?
A Strategy to Democratize Belarus
by Ariel Cohen, Ph.D.
Heritage Lecture #826
March 30, 2004
As the October 2004 parliamentary elections in Belarus are becoming a priority for democratic forces in the country and for Western friends of Belarussian democracy, it is the time to act.
It is time to consolidate opponents of the status quo, reach out to the people, and give them hope. This is the task, first and foremost, for the Belarussian opposition, but also for those who understand that at stake is more than just the future of Belarus, important as it is. At stake is how willing--or unwilling--the West is to fight for liberty.
If the West is ready to defend freedom, what is a better place to start than its own home base--Europe? At stake is our own future. At stake in Belarus is how we handle rogue regimes--and friends of rogue regimes. Alexander Lukashenka was elected president in 1994 and then engineered his own re-election in 2001 with major violations of the Belarussian constitution and international democratic norms. The opposition refused to recognize the legitimacy of those elections.
In 1996, Lukashenka dismissed the National Assembly and the Constitutional Court and imposed his own constitution, further alienating the Belarussian elite. He has supported every dictator from Kim Jong Il, to Yasir Arafat, to Saddam Hussein.
In the case of Belarus, it is important to recognize that hard-line elements of the Russian government were strongly supporting Mr. Lukashenka and his pro-Russian rhetoric and policy. However, many in the Russian leadership have grown exasperated with Lukashenka's antics, and even those with lower democracy standards may finally recognize that the dictator is becoming a liability for Moscow.
The Struggle for Freedom
The struggle for freedom in Belarus is greater than Belarus itself. It is about Russia helping, tolerating, or opposing democracy next year. It is about setting a good example for Russia and Ukraine. And it is also about preventing the process of rebuilding the Soviet empire--regardless of how nostalgic some people get in Moscow.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Belarus has remained a Jurassic Park of authoritarianism in the heart of a democratizing Europe. However, it is also a huge lab in which retrograde forces of the old Soviet regime are attempting to develop new models of repression, which they may apply in Russia, and possibly Ukraine. It is not accidental that the rumors of extending presidential terms in violation of existing constitutions are repeatedly floated and then vehemently denied--which makes them ever more credible--in Minsk, Moscow, and Kyiv.
It is true that Belarus was one of the most Soviet among all Soviet republics. It is true that the anti-communist and nationalist movement there was among the weakest. However, I do not want to blame the people of Belarus for what happened next.
There are other examples of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the former Soviet camp, where the pre-reform conditions were appalling. Romania, Bulgaria, and Ukraine had all started from a point of severe disadvantage in comparison with the Czech Republic and Estonia. Nevertheless, their achievements are quite remarkable. Romania and Bulgaria are in NATO and on the way to EU membership, and in Ukraine, the democratic opposition leader Victor Yushchenko consistently remains the most popular presidential candidate.
If Russia's main priority in Belarus--safe and secure gas transit--is assured, it certainly should be no problem for Moscow to cooperate with the West to ease Lukashenka out. Can Belarus become a test case of Russia's policy of integration with the West based on shared democratic values? In a way, Belarus becomes a litmus test on Russia's future relationship with the West.
Lukashenka's Disastrous Performance
The performance of Belarus under Lukashenka, judged by objective international criteria, has been a disaster.
* Inflation is rampant.
* There has been no meaningful privatization.
* Agriculture is still collectivized.
* Seventy percent of the country's economic output of state-owned enterprises piles up in warehouses, as no one is willing to buy Belarussian goods.
* NGOs are denied registration.
* The country's human rights track record is so abysmal that the U.S. State Department's human rights report uses language reserved for totalitarian states.
* The regime has been cracking down on political opposition, independent media, and civil society activists.
However, Lukashenka's repression may be sowing the seeds of his own demise. The recent events in Georgia, some fatigue in Moscow with Lukashenka's escapades, and--most important--his utter failure to provide Belarussians with a road to a decent future may indicate that 2004 will be the year in which he could return to the kolkhoz--or, even better, be investigated and tried for abuse of power, for the disappearances and possibly murder of his political opponents, and for other crimes. Another solution for Lukashenka would be political asylum in North Korea, Syria, or Cuba--albeit those regimes may not last very much longer either.
The historic experience of the Soviet Union shows that pro-independence forces, from Central Asia to Moldova, learned from the leadership of the Baltic States. Once the communist leadership failed to stop the surge to freedom in Vilnius, Riga, and Tallin, others followed in Kyiv and Baku.
As revolutions in Georgia and Serbia have demonstrated, political protests tied to elections--with appropriate preparation through political activities, public education, and international support--may be the magic mix that makes dictators disappear. The freedom bug is contagious indeed.
What Should Be Done?
To facilitate Lukashenka's road from the presidency back to the farm, or from Minsk to Pyongyang, the opposition and supporters of Belarussian freedom should take several joint steps. These include:
* Unification, or at least sustained cooperation, of the three main groups comprising Belarus's opposition. If over 200 Belarussian opposition political parties, organizations, and NGOs are working at cross-purposes, the Lukashenka regime will play one against the other, rendering them ineffective.
* Development of a joint strategy, program, and projects, nominating single viable opposition candidates in each district. The demise of the liberal parties in the Russian December 2003 Duma elections indicates that refusal to cooperate leads to premature political death. Personal and group ambitions should wait till the dictator is no longer there.
* Severe public criticism of violation of election procedures, criticized in the past by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which should demand that the electoral laws are amended per past OSCE recommendations and that the OSCE elections observation mission is allowed to deploy in Belarus well ahead of the October 2004 elections.
* Preparation for declaring the elections illegitimate in case of election falsification and other violations.
* Expanding a domestic and international campaign to publicly investigate the disappearance of Lukashenka's political opponents; appointment of an international public tribunal to that end; and initiation of criminal procedures in Europe and the U.S. against those in the president's circle who ordered and participated in the murder of opposition politicians and journalists.
* Building up a democratic opposition youth movement and not leaving the field to the pro-Lukashenka BRYU (Belarussian Republican Youth Union).
* Questioning the idea of a joint army with Russia. Belarussian boys should not be sent as cannon fodder in Chechnya, and Russian soldiers should not be posted on the Polish-NATO border. This is a prescription for more, not less, instability in Europe. The consequences of such Russian-NATO friction are hard to predict.
* Preparation of a turn-out-the-vote campaign for parliamentary elections, focused on youth and urban voters who traditionally mistrust Lukashenka.
* Reaching out by Europe and the U.S. to the voters of Belarus through significant and material support of the democratic opposition as well as using the tools of public diplomacy, such as international broadcasting from countries around Belarus on the AM band by opposition radio stations, launching opposition TV broadcasting, and expanding people-to-people and educational exchanges.
* Consultations with Russia regarding a possible change of regime that will make Belarus more predictable and will benefit Russia by eliminating the need to subsidize the Belarusian economy through below-market-price natural gas, which provides over $2 billion a year to the inefficient state sector, and by making the transit route for Russian gas to Europe more stable and less prone to interference by Minsk. Russia does not need a basket-case economy led by a basket-case dictator as an albatross around its collective neck. Russians should know that if integrated, the bacilli of Belarussian authoritarianism may exacerbate their country's own tendency to limit freedom.
Conclusion
The business of freedom in Eastern Europe is not over. Belarus, just like Ukraine and Moldova, has not fully completed its transition from the Soviet system to democratic capitalism. It is the duty of neighbors near and far to help complete the process and to reach the safe coast of democracy, security, and prosperity.
Ariel Cohen, Ph.D., is Research Fellow in Russian and Eurasian Studies in the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at The Heritage Foundation. These remarks were delivered a t the Conference on the Future of Democracy Beyond the Baltics, held in Riga, Latvia, on February 5-6, 2004.
by Ariel Cohen, Ph.D.
Heritage Lecture #826
March 30, 2004
As the October 2004 parliamentary elections in Belarus are becoming a priority for democratic forces in the country and for Western friends of Belarussian democracy, it is the time to act.
It is time to consolidate opponents of the status quo, reach out to the people, and give them hope. This is the task, first and foremost, for the Belarussian opposition, but also for those who understand that at stake is more than just the future of Belarus, important as it is. At stake is how willing--or unwilling--the West is to fight for liberty.
If the West is ready to defend freedom, what is a better place to start than its own home base--Europe? At stake is our own future. At stake in Belarus is how we handle rogue regimes--and friends of rogue regimes. Alexander Lukashenka was elected president in 1994 and then engineered his own re-election in 2001 with major violations of the Belarussian constitution and international democratic norms. The opposition refused to recognize the legitimacy of those elections.
In 1996, Lukashenka dismissed the National Assembly and the Constitutional Court and imposed his own constitution, further alienating the Belarussian elite. He has supported every dictator from Kim Jong Il, to Yasir Arafat, to Saddam Hussein.
In the case of Belarus, it is important to recognize that hard-line elements of the Russian government were strongly supporting Mr. Lukashenka and his pro-Russian rhetoric and policy. However, many in the Russian leadership have grown exasperated with Lukashenka's antics, and even those with lower democracy standards may finally recognize that the dictator is becoming a liability for Moscow.
The Struggle for Freedom
The struggle for freedom in Belarus is greater than Belarus itself. It is about Russia helping, tolerating, or opposing democracy next year. It is about setting a good example for Russia and Ukraine. And it is also about preventing the process of rebuilding the Soviet empire--regardless of how nostalgic some people get in Moscow.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Belarus has remained a Jurassic Park of authoritarianism in the heart of a democratizing Europe. However, it is also a huge lab in which retrograde forces of the old Soviet regime are attempting to develop new models of repression, which they may apply in Russia, and possibly Ukraine. It is not accidental that the rumors of extending presidential terms in violation of existing constitutions are repeatedly floated and then vehemently denied--which makes them ever more credible--in Minsk, Moscow, and Kyiv.
It is true that Belarus was one of the most Soviet among all Soviet republics. It is true that the anti-communist and nationalist movement there was among the weakest. However, I do not want to blame the people of Belarus for what happened next.
There are other examples of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the former Soviet camp, where the pre-reform conditions were appalling. Romania, Bulgaria, and Ukraine had all started from a point of severe disadvantage in comparison with the Czech Republic and Estonia. Nevertheless, their achievements are quite remarkable. Romania and Bulgaria are in NATO and on the way to EU membership, and in Ukraine, the democratic opposition leader Victor Yushchenko consistently remains the most popular presidential candidate.
If Russia's main priority in Belarus--safe and secure gas transit--is assured, it certainly should be no problem for Moscow to cooperate with the West to ease Lukashenka out. Can Belarus become a test case of Russia's policy of integration with the West based on shared democratic values? In a way, Belarus becomes a litmus test on Russia's future relationship with the West.
Lukashenka's Disastrous Performance
The performance of Belarus under Lukashenka, judged by objective international criteria, has been a disaster.
* Inflation is rampant.
* There has been no meaningful privatization.
* Agriculture is still collectivized.
* Seventy percent of the country's economic output of state-owned enterprises piles up in warehouses, as no one is willing to buy Belarussian goods.
* NGOs are denied registration.
* The country's human rights track record is so abysmal that the U.S. State Department's human rights report uses language reserved for totalitarian states.
* The regime has been cracking down on political opposition, independent media, and civil society activists.
However, Lukashenka's repression may be sowing the seeds of his own demise. The recent events in Georgia, some fatigue in Moscow with Lukashenka's escapades, and--most important--his utter failure to provide Belarussians with a road to a decent future may indicate that 2004 will be the year in which he could return to the kolkhoz--or, even better, be investigated and tried for abuse of power, for the disappearances and possibly murder of his political opponents, and for other crimes. Another solution for Lukashenka would be political asylum in North Korea, Syria, or Cuba--albeit those regimes may not last very much longer either.
The historic experience of the Soviet Union shows that pro-independence forces, from Central Asia to Moldova, learned from the leadership of the Baltic States. Once the communist leadership failed to stop the surge to freedom in Vilnius, Riga, and Tallin, others followed in Kyiv and Baku.
As revolutions in Georgia and Serbia have demonstrated, political protests tied to elections--with appropriate preparation through political activities, public education, and international support--may be the magic mix that makes dictators disappear. The freedom bug is contagious indeed.
What Should Be Done?
To facilitate Lukashenka's road from the presidency back to the farm, or from Minsk to Pyongyang, the opposition and supporters of Belarussian freedom should take several joint steps. These include:
* Unification, or at least sustained cooperation, of the three main groups comprising Belarus's opposition. If over 200 Belarussian opposition political parties, organizations, and NGOs are working at cross-purposes, the Lukashenka regime will play one against the other, rendering them ineffective.
* Development of a joint strategy, program, and projects, nominating single viable opposition candidates in each district. The demise of the liberal parties in the Russian December 2003 Duma elections indicates that refusal to cooperate leads to premature political death. Personal and group ambitions should wait till the dictator is no longer there.
* Severe public criticism of violation of election procedures, criticized in the past by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which should demand that the electoral laws are amended per past OSCE recommendations and that the OSCE elections observation mission is allowed to deploy in Belarus well ahead of the October 2004 elections.
* Preparation for declaring the elections illegitimate in case of election falsification and other violations.
* Expanding a domestic and international campaign to publicly investigate the disappearance of Lukashenka's political opponents; appointment of an international public tribunal to that end; and initiation of criminal procedures in Europe and the U.S. against those in the president's circle who ordered and participated in the murder of opposition politicians and journalists.
* Building up a democratic opposition youth movement and not leaving the field to the pro-Lukashenka BRYU (Belarussian Republican Youth Union).
* Questioning the idea of a joint army with Russia. Belarussian boys should not be sent as cannon fodder in Chechnya, and Russian soldiers should not be posted on the Polish-NATO border. This is a prescription for more, not less, instability in Europe. The consequences of such Russian-NATO friction are hard to predict.
* Preparation of a turn-out-the-vote campaign for parliamentary elections, focused on youth and urban voters who traditionally mistrust Lukashenka.
* Reaching out by Europe and the U.S. to the voters of Belarus through significant and material support of the democratic opposition as well as using the tools of public diplomacy, such as international broadcasting from countries around Belarus on the AM band by opposition radio stations, launching opposition TV broadcasting, and expanding people-to-people and educational exchanges.
* Consultations with Russia regarding a possible change of regime that will make Belarus more predictable and will benefit Russia by eliminating the need to subsidize the Belarusian economy through below-market-price natural gas, which provides over $2 billion a year to the inefficient state sector, and by making the transit route for Russian gas to Europe more stable and less prone to interference by Minsk. Russia does not need a basket-case economy led by a basket-case dictator as an albatross around its collective neck. Russians should know that if integrated, the bacilli of Belarussian authoritarianism may exacerbate their country's own tendency to limit freedom.
Conclusion
The business of freedom in Eastern Europe is not over. Belarus, just like Ukraine and Moldova, has not fully completed its transition from the Soviet system to democratic capitalism. It is the duty of neighbors near and far to help complete the process and to reach the safe coast of democracy, security, and prosperity.
Ariel Cohen, Ph.D., is Research Fellow in Russian and Eurasian Studies in the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at The Heritage Foundation. These remarks were delivered a t the Conference on the Future of Democracy Beyond the Baltics, held in Riga, Latvia, on February 5-6, 2004.
as vrea voronin si pcrm sa plece ..la safari in africa..poate da vre-un leu de ei..in rest...nice joke
Despre 2005... Pina ce oricum in cursa sunt 3: Comunistii, AMN, PPCD... Poate restu vor forma ceva impreuna sau se vor alipi linga astea 3...Altfel nu trec...
Contra Comunistilor - CATEGORIC...
Dar eu sunt si contra lui ROSCA - nu voi vota ever cu dinsu...
Acum la moment tre sa alegem cel mai bun din ce avem...
In orice caz - primii care vor veni dupa Comunisti la putere sa speram ca vor intelege ca ei trebuie sa lucreze si iar sa lucreze...
Contra Comunistilor - CATEGORIC...
Dar eu sunt si contra lui ROSCA - nu voi vota ever cu dinsu...
Acum la moment tre sa alegem cel mai bun din ce avem...
In orice caz - primii care vor veni dupa Comunisti la putere sa speram ca vor intelege ca ei trebuie sa lucreze si iar sa lucreze...
a.d.i.d.a.s
Member
chewy said:
:lol: :lol: :lol: :lol:
Da de ce se face sa fie votat? a?
Pentru ca striga in gura mare pe piata - eu sunt ROMAN... Eu de cind m-am nascut stiu ca sunt roman si asta nu mi-o schimba nimeni...
Pentru ca eu m-am saturat de toate partidele astea unde la putere sunt scriitori, ziaristi, filosofi si "tuniantzy" :crazy: Da ei stiu sa vorbeasca bine, stiu sa le bage in cap "nimicuri", stiu sa le arata ca anume acesti oameni au nevoie de aceste "nimicuri", DAR nu au o echipa care ar putea lucra la nivelul care vorbesc...
Rosca din RM, Cornel Vadim Tudor din RO, Jirinovschi din RU - astea fac show in politica... Si aceasta e bucatica lor de piine... Rosca nu a avut ever mai mult de 10% si nu cred ca va avea... El are partea sa de alegatori si pentru a cistiga noi - nu stiu ce trebuie sa schimbe, in orice caz MULT...
Faptul ca a dat guvernul lui Braghis uninduse cu Comunistii - asta eu consider rusine :tu_mori: ... Da! trebuia de le aratat la aka-democrati ca nu lucreaza bine, dar nici de unit cu dusmanul... CUM DE EL STRIGA ZILNIC, SE TREZESTE SI SE CULCA CU FRAZA: "JOS COMUNISTII" si se uneste pentru a da jos un Guvern care totusi lucra considerabil mai bine decit cel prezent...
Da eu sunt pentru Metropolia Basarabiei, da eu sunt pentru o limba in stat si anume ROMANA... Dar in rest nimik nu ma leaga...
Rosca are meritu - probabil e "cel mai bun orator" dintre politicienii nostri... Dar asta acum, cind nu e nimeni practic pe arena politica... Sa ne aducem aminte in '98 de exemplu - Matei !!! Personal il prefer pe Cubreacov din PPCD...
Dar in general vorbind - Partidul Fortelor Democrate in '98 era ZA BEST !!! Pur si simplu Matei l-a distrus pe dinauntru, iar restu aka Rosca, generalul Alexei si altii - pe dinafara...
Ce e cu prezenta asta dubioasa a generalului Alexei pe lista lui PPCD - e om clar a lui Lucinschi... Sa-si fi schimbat oare convingerile sale politice...
Eu nu votez cu el - pentru ca alaturi de el mie mi se asociaza multe dubii...
EU NU VOTEZ EVER EXTREMELE !!!
Pentru ca striga in gura mare pe piata - eu sunt ROMAN... Eu de cind m-am nascut stiu ca sunt roman si asta nu mi-o schimba nimeni...
Pentru ca eu m-am saturat de toate partidele astea unde la putere sunt scriitori, ziaristi, filosofi si "tuniantzy" :crazy: Da ei stiu sa vorbeasca bine, stiu sa le bage in cap "nimicuri", stiu sa le arata ca anume acesti oameni au nevoie de aceste "nimicuri", DAR nu au o echipa care ar putea lucra la nivelul care vorbesc...
Rosca din RM, Cornel Vadim Tudor din RO, Jirinovschi din RU - astea fac show in politica... Si aceasta e bucatica lor de piine... Rosca nu a avut ever mai mult de 10% si nu cred ca va avea... El are partea sa de alegatori si pentru a cistiga noi - nu stiu ce trebuie sa schimbe, in orice caz MULT...
Faptul ca a dat guvernul lui Braghis uninduse cu Comunistii - asta eu consider rusine :tu_mori: ... Da! trebuia de le aratat la aka-democrati ca nu lucreaza bine, dar nici de unit cu dusmanul... CUM DE EL STRIGA ZILNIC, SE TREZESTE SI SE CULCA CU FRAZA: "JOS COMUNISTII" si se uneste pentru a da jos un Guvern care totusi lucra considerabil mai bine decit cel prezent...
Da eu sunt pentru Metropolia Basarabiei, da eu sunt pentru o limba in stat si anume ROMANA... Dar in rest nimik nu ma leaga...
Rosca are meritu - probabil e "cel mai bun orator" dintre politicienii nostri... Dar asta acum, cind nu e nimeni practic pe arena politica... Sa ne aducem aminte in '98 de exemplu - Matei !!! Personal il prefer pe Cubreacov din PPCD...
Dar in general vorbind - Partidul Fortelor Democrate in '98 era ZA BEST !!! Pur si simplu Matei l-a distrus pe dinauntru, iar restu aka Rosca, generalul Alexei si altii - pe dinafara...
Ce e cu prezenta asta dubioasa a generalului Alexei pe lista lui PPCD - e om clar a lui Lucinschi... Sa-si fi schimbat oare convingerile sale politice...
Eu nu votez cu el - pentru ca alaturi de el mie mi se asociaza multe dubii...
EU NU VOTEZ EVER EXTREMELE !!!
In primul rand nu votezi pe Iurie Rosca ci PPCD-ul, unicul partid din Republica Moldova recunoscut de o familie de partide europene.chewy said:
1. Rosca nu striga ci zice tare si raspicat, spre deosebire de alti lideri politici din RM, care incearca sa fie cu fundul in doua luntri, care in cerc restrans sau la Bucuresti sunt romani, dar la Chisinau sau Moscova sunt maldafeni.chewy said:
2. Ce ar trebui sa faca Iurie Rosca ca sa fie acceptat de cei ca tine? Sa zica in soapta ca e roman, asa cum o faceam pe timpurile ocupatiei sovietice?
3. Daca tot te consideri roman, ar fi bine sa inveti romana.
Cu alte cuvinte persoanele cu studii superioare si intelectualii. Si pe cine ma rog ii consideri "tuniantzy"? Apropo, cunosti rusa mai rau decat romana, cu alte cuvinte deloc.chewy said:
Iar daca tot nu-ti convin scriitorii si ziaristii, voteaza cu partidul condus de tractoristi si grajdari agramati, mulgatoare de vaci si vanzatoare de chifle, hoti si "politologi kolhoznici", adica Partidul Comunist.
De unde stii ca PPCD-ul nu are echipa buna? Stii ca PPCD-ul practic nu s-a aflat la guvernare, iar atunci cand s-a aflat era marginalizat?chewy said:
Repeti gogomaniile comuniste atunci cand nu-l deosebesti pe Rosca de Vadim sau Jirinovski. Daca Iurie Rosca ar fi presedintele unui partid extremist, asa cum insinuezi tu, PPCD-ul nu ar fi membru cu drepturi depline al Internationalei Crestin Democrate din Europa.chewy said:
Deci tu votezi cu partidul care are cei mai multi alegatori, adica procedezi la fel de "logic" ca si turma care i-a votat pe comunisti. Iar 10% indica cat de mancurtizata si spalata la creier este populatia Bastardostanului.chewy said:
1. Guvernul lui Bragis era la fel de corupt si incompetent ca si guvernul actual.chewy said:
2. Votul din 2001 nu a fost unul pro-comunist ci mai degraba un vot de neincredere acordat unei guvernari corupte. Si chiar daca nu ar fi avut loc alegerile anticipate in 2001, comunistii oricum veneau la putere peste un an sau doi.
3. Urmand "logica" ta, chiar daca, ipotetic vorbind, comunistii ar vota pentru iesirea din CSI, PPCD-ul ar trebui sa voteze impotriva. Halal gandire!
Restul fiind ce ca nu inteleg? Cunosti programul PPCD-ului si daca da ce anume nu-ti place in programul lor? Iar daca nu-l cunosti, de ce vorbesti dupa ureche?chewy said:
Sa ne aducem aminte, si de Matei, si de ministrii promovati de el. Deci ce e cu Matei?chewy said:
Inteleg ca daca nu ar fi Iurie Rosca presedintele PPCD-ului, erai sa votezi cu acest partid, nu-i asa?chewy said:
Ia gandeste-te de ce cele mai numeroase si mai murdare atacuri in forma de calomnii si provocari au fost si sunt indreptate impotriva lui Iurie Rosca. Intreaba-te de ce si Moscova, si Tiraspolul, si comunstii din Chisinau, il urasc cu inversunare pe Iurie Rosca.
Cu ce era mai bun Partidul Fortelor Democrate in 1998 si cum a fost distrus acest partid de catre Rosca si Alexei?chewy said:
De ce prezenta lui Alexei o consideri dubioasa?chewy said:
Am promis ca voi respecta regulamentul, asa ca nu voi scrie ce "dubii mi se asociaza alaturi de tine"chewy said:
(ce limbaj bolovanos!)Iar eu nu votez prostia, comunismul, rusopupincurismul, mancurtismul, romanofobia si coruptia.chewy said:
redneck: in primul rind - LOLZZZ... Mdeaaa se vede ca esti PPCD'ist...
2. Nimic nu tre sa faca pentru a fi acceptat de mine - eu nu voi vota oricum... Da, totusi este o varianta - "Sa FACA PPCD un harikiri in grup"
3. Ce destept mai esti si tu, may-may-may... Eu romana o stiu si n-am sa ascult de asa un tip "down" - care stie romana atit de super ca si cum... Da nu fac facultate de litere, si nu am nici o legatura cu acel "univers"
Se vede de la un colt orientarea ta... Eu personal consider inginerii, medicii, economistii, juristii - persoane de 1000x ori mai valoroase pentru politica decit cei mentionati mai sus Care e logica ta cu rusa? Se vede ca esti blocat pe romana ta iubita, care desigur o stii la perfectie
SI SPUNE MAI BINE CE STII TU, PENTRU CA TU NU STII NICI A 50-a PARTE DIN CE si CITE STIU EU... SI DACA TE CREZI UN STIUTOR ATIT DE MARE, SA STII UNA PE LINGA TOATE - ESTI UN [cenzurat-manual] in asa caz...
Pentru ca o echipa fara specialisti in toate domeniile e slaba !!! Unde sunt inginerii ??? Unde sunt restul specialistiilor de importanta? De medici nu vorbim, ca majoritatea sunt PPCD'isti...
Si Internationala asta - este asa o chestie ca si ei... "Internationala", "Crestin" - sunt niste cuvinte...
2. Nu era sa votez oricum cu PPCD, oricine ar fi in postura de lider la ei...
3. "Prefer" referitor la Cubracov - trebuia sa o scriu in ghilimele, adica versus Rosca e o persoana CEVA mai interesanta, ceva, dar nu ias da nici lui VOTUL MEU !!!
4. Referitor la Matei si PFD - la momentul '98 era o forta net superioara la PPCD !!! NET, avea o echipa de intelectuali de invidiat, daca tu tot vrei sa stii despre intelectuali... Daca nu stii - afla detalii si o vei vedea... Matei - orator mai bun decit Rosca !!! La '96 ocupa locul 3 !!! Eu nu tin nici cu el acum, pentru ca a facut greseli enorme... atit in interiorul partidului cit si cu ministrii mentionati si altele... Dar pentru mileniul trecut Matei versus Rosca... cine era de fapt Rosca in mileniul trecut ???
Intrebare: Oare tu il consideri pe Rosca atit de pur, ca crezi ca nici fost SECURIST nu este ???
Alexei - da tie chiar nu ti se pare dubioasa? Nu l-am vazut sa ia cuvintul pe piata niciodata, alaturi de echipa tipica PPCD... Nu l-am vazut sa promoveze ideile PPCD ever... Sta acolo... si sta... A fost premiat cu post de deputat PPCD in urma unor intelegeri de-a lui Rosca... Cred ca ar fi totusi persoane care au facut mult mai mult pentru PPCD si ar fi meritat acest post...
1. "tare si respicat" - e o strigare daca tu tot nu simti diferenta... Cum am mai spus - face show in politica...redneck said:
2. Nimic nu tre sa faca pentru a fi acceptat de mine - eu nu voi vota oricum... Da, totusi este o varianta - "Sa FACA PPCD un harikiri in grup
"3. Ce destept mai esti si tu, may-may-may... Eu romana o stiu si n-am sa ascult de asa un tip "down" - care stie romana atit de super ca si cum... Da nu fac facultate de litere, si nu am nici o legatura cu acel "univers"
Iarasi lolzz... Tu vad ca consideri doar oamenii care sunt filosofi si scriitori si ziaristi - oameni cu studii superioare :crazy: Ai o logica de invidiatredneck said:
Se vede de la un colt orientarea ta... Eu personal consider inginerii, medicii, economistii, juristii - persoane de 1000x ori mai valoroase pentru politica decit cei mentionati mai sus Care e logica ta cu rusa? Se vede ca esti blocat pe romana ta iubita, care desigur o stii la perfectie SI SPUNE MAI BINE CE STII TU, PENTRU CA TU NU STII NICI A 50-a PARTE DIN CE si CITE STIU EU... SI DACA TE CREZI UN STIUTOR ATIT DE MARE, SA STII UNA PE LINGA TOATE - ESTI UN [cenzurat-manual] in asa caz...
Da si PPCD, [cenzurat] de destepti... Cite procente aveau in '98 - si cereau posturile de ministri gen: afaceri interne, finante si mai erau citeva... In orice caz erau Ministerele de forta - De unde asa o prea-marire de sine, cine sa le dea lor asa posturi... Oare nu au cerut ei asa posturi - ca sa aiba motive sa nu participe la Guvernare... Nu a fost nici cea mai mica propunere de a cere Ministerul Educatiei, Culturei si altele...redneck said:
Pentru ca o echipa fara specialisti in toate domeniile e slaba !!! Unde sunt inginerii ??? Unde sunt restul specialistiilor de importanta? De medici nu vorbim, ca majoritatea sunt PPCD'isti...
Este limita-limitei de dreapta, dupa ei stii cine vin - Leg... daca iti dai seama continuarea ideii...redneck said:
Si Internationala asta - este asa o chestie ca si ei... "Internationala", "Crestin" - sunt niste cuvinte...
De unde ai tras asa o logica de stupida? Asa o faci si tu in viata? De unde ai tras concluzia ca sunt cu comunistii... :evil: Eu votez cu acei, in care am cea mai mare incredere... Iar dupa comunisti, eu nu cred in ppcd, desi de fapt in RM nu ai in cine crede... Deci sa credem in raul cel mai micredneck said:
1. In primul rind, daca nu ar fi Rosca, nu ar fi PPCD'ul asa...redneck said:
2. Nu era sa votez oricum cu PPCD, oricine ar fi in postura de lider la ei...
3. "Prefer" referitor la Cubracov - trebuia sa o scriu in ghilimele, adica versus Rosca e o persoana CEVA mai interesanta, ceva, dar nu ias da nici lui VOTUL MEU !!!
4. Referitor la Matei si PFD - la momentul '98 era o forta net superioara la PPCD !!! NET, avea o echipa de intelectuali de invidiat, daca tu tot vrei sa stii despre intelectuali... Daca nu stii - afla detalii si o vei vedea... Matei - orator mai bun decit Rosca !!! La '96 ocupa locul 3 !!! Eu nu tin nici cu el acum, pentru ca a facut greseli enorme... atit in interiorul partidului cit si cu ministrii mentionati si altele... Dar pentru mileniul trecut Matei versus Rosca... cine era de fapt Rosca in mileniul trecut ???
Intrebare: Oare tu il consideri pe Rosca atit de pur, ca crezi ca nici fost SECURIST nu este ???
Alexei - da tie chiar nu ti se pare dubioasa? Nu l-am vazut sa ia cuvintul pe piata niciodata, alaturi de echipa tipica PPCD... Nu l-am vazut sa promoveze ideile PPCD ever... Sta acolo... si sta... A fost premiat cu post de deputat PPCD in urma unor intelegeri de-a lui Rosca... Cred ca ar fi totusi persoane care au facut mult mai mult pentru PPCD si ar fi meritat acest post...